Saturday, March 24, 2012

New York Diamond Exchange



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New York



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Porn Password



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Thursday, March 15, 2012

Sasha Kalter-Wasserman

Guggenheim curator since 2008

Sasha Kalter-Wasserman received her BA from Middlebury College, where she studied art history and international politics, and received the Diplôme international for her studies at the Institut d’études politiques (Sciences-Po) in Paris. Prior to her 2008 appointment to the Abu Dhabi Project, she assisted Curator of 19th- and Early 20th-Century Art Vivien Greene on various Guggenheim exhibitions, including Citizens and Kings: Portraits in the Age of Revolution; Divisionism/Neo-Impressionism: Arcadia and Anarchy; and Utopia Matters, for which she wrote for the catalogue. She is part of the curatorial team developing exhibitions and collection for the future Guggenheim Abu Dhabi.


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Supporters

The Leadership Committee for Maurizio Cattelan: All is gratefully acknowledged.

Founding Members
Steven A. and Alexandra M. Cohen Foundation
Amalia Dayan and Adam Lindemann
Massimo De Carlo
Danielle and David Ganek
Judie and Howard Ganek
Marian Goodman
The Mugrabi Collection
Gael Neeson and Stefan Edlis
Amy and John Phelan
Galerie Perrotin
Samantha and Aby Rosen
Fondazione Sandretto Re Rebaudengo, Turin, Italy
Beth Swofford
Lisa and Steven Tananbaum
David Teiger
And those who wish to remain anonymous.

Members

Henry Buhl
Ulla Dreyfus-Best
Lisa and Donald Jackson
Dakis Joannou
Daniela Memmo d'Amelio
Renata Novarese di Moransengo
Victor Pinchuk

Supporters

Attilio Codognato
Honor Fraser and Stavros Merjos
Fundación Almine y Bernard Ruiz-Picasso para el Arte


View the original article here

Maurizio Cattelan: All Public Programs

Visit Public Programs for the most recent information and tickets, or call the Box Office at 212 423 3587

The Critical Edge of Curating
Fri, Nov 4, 2 pm
International curators discuss the impact of exhibitions and related curatorial activities on cultural and social change in a program of conversations around critical issues. Co-organized by Nancy Spector, Deputy Director and Chief Curator, and curator of Maurizio Cattelan: All, and Kate Fowle, Executive Director, Indepenent Curators International (ICI). Speakers include: Ute Meta Bauer (MIT); Shelley Bernstein (Brooklyn Museum); Suzanne Cotter (Abu Dhabi Project, Guggenheim Museum); Tom Eccles (Center for Curatorial Studies); Tom Finkelpearl (Queens Museum of Art); Eungie Joo (New Museum); Weng Choy Lee (School of the Art Institute of Chicago); Chus Martinez (Documenta 13); Rodrigo Moura (Inhotim); Hans Ulrich Obrist (Serpentine Gallery); Yasmil Raymond (Dia Art Foundation); Ralph Rugoff (Hayward Gallery); Christine Tohme (Ashkal Alwan), and Anton Vidokle (e-flux). Reception follows. $10, $7 members, free for students with RSVP.

Curator's Eye Tour
Fri, Nov 18, 2 pm
Join Associate Curator Katherine Brinson for a tour of Maurizio Cattelan: All.

Workshop for Educators
Sat, Nov 19, 10 am–1 pm
Through encounters with Cattelan’s unique sculptural installation in the museum rotunda, educators engage in conversations and activities that focus on how the artist’s work can be used in the classroom. $20 includes curriculum materials. Registration required by calling 212 423 3637.

Hyperrealism in Contemporary Art
Wed, Dec 7, 6:30 pm
Scholars discuss concepts of realism in contemporary art, focusing on verisimilitude as a central aesthetic and conceptual strategy in Cattelan’s work and its role in his critical practice. Participants include Dorothea von Hantelmann (Freie Universität, Berlin), Alexander Potts (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor), and Nancy Spector. Reception follows. $10, $7 members, free for students with RSVP.

The Last Word
Sat, Jan 22, 6 pm–1 am
Maurizio Cattelan is retiring from art-making with his current retrospective. To mark the end of the exhibition (and the beginning of retirement), twenty or so prominent artists, philosophers, writers, comedians, filmmakers, actors, musicians, and more will come together to contemplate the end. More than just some winter morbidity, this event tackles that most difficult moment: to decide when to stop one thing and begin another or to end it altogether. Less strenuous than a long distance event and much more than a quick sprint, this event will be a meditative seven hour jog around life's central park of pleasures, desires, and regrets. Co-organized by Simon Critchley (Ph.D., Professor of Philosophy, The New School of Social Research), and Nancy Spector, Deputy Director and Chief Curator, Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, and curator of Maurizio Cattelan: All. Admission: pay what you wish.


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John L. Wielk

John L. Wielk joined the Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation in 2006 as Executive Director of Corporate and Institutional Development, the chief development officer responsible for the museum’s corporate, foundation, and government fund-raising programs. His efforts support the full range of museum activities including global partnerships, exhibitions and programs, educational outreach, capital projects, and general operations.

Before joining the Guggenheim, Wielk’s previous museum experience included several fund-raising positions at the Museum of Modern Art, New York, including Associate Director of Development and Membership from 1996 to 1997, where he oversaw all corporate, foundation, and government giving to the museum; Manager of Exhibition and Project Funding from 1988 to 1996, where he was responsible for all aspects of the museum’s restricted giving program; and Grants Officer from 1987 to 1988 as the lead fundraiser for all federal and New York City and State government grants. From 1998 to 2006, immediately prior to his tenure at the Guggenheim, Wielk was Director of Development, Administration and Information Services for Professional Standards Review Council of America, a medical services consulting firm which provided contracted services to governmental health agencies and a variety of private sector organizations.

Wielk received a BA in art history and computer science from Columbia College, Columbia University, and pursued an MA program in 20th-century art and architecture at the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University.


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Save the Date for Museum Mile Festival

March 14, 2012   AddThis Social Bookmark Button

The Guggenheim, along with nine other cultural institutions along New York’s Museum Mile, will participate in the 34th Annual Museum Mile Festival on Tuesday, June 12, from 6 to 9 pm. The mile-long block party and visual art celebration offers an array of performances and outdoor activities from 82nd to 110th Street, as well as free museum admission. For the occasion, the Guggenheim will have live music, chalk drawing, educational activities, as well as free access to the special exhibitions on view, such as Francesca Woodman; Art of Another Kind: International Abstraction and the Guggenheim, 1949–1960; and A Year with Children 2012.

The opening ceremony will take place at 5:45 pm at National Academy Museum and School (Fifth Avenue at 89th Street). Other cultural institutions joining the Guggenheim this year are El Museo del Barrio; the Museum of the City of New York; the Jewish Museum; Cooper-Hewitt, National Design Museum, Smithsonian Institution; National Academy Museum and School of Fine Arts; Goethe-Institut New York/German Cultural Center; the Metropolitan Museum of Art; and the Museum for African Art, opening in its new home in a year. For a list of events and performances at each museum, visit museummilefestival.org, and for updates, follow @MuseumMileNYC on Twitter.

Museum Mile Festival 2009. Photo: Duncan Ball


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BMW Guggenheim Lab VIP Opening Ticket Giveaway

BMW<br /> Guggenheim Lab, Architects' model, New York City site. View from<br />Houston Street, showing a workshop setting. Photo: courtesy Atelier<br />Bow-Wow

Win Tickets to the BMW Guggenheim Lab VIP Opening
Tues, Aug 2, 6–9 pm
First Park | Houston at 2nd Ave (map)

Launching in New York on August 3, the BMW Guggenheim Lab is a mobile laboratory that will travel around the world to inspire innovative ideas for urban life. Be the first to experience the BMW Guggenheim Lab—we're offering members a chance to win tickets to attend the VIP opening reception on August.

To enter, join the Guggenheim Members Facebook group and comment on the BMW Guggenheim Lab discussion post by midnight on Tuesday, August 1. Rules apply for entry.

BMW Guggenheim Lab, Architects' model, New York City site. View from Houston Street, showing a workshop setting. Photo: courtesy Atelier Bow-Wow


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Re: Contemplating the Void Winners Announced

To celebrate the close of the Guggenheim's 50th Anniversary year on May 14, 2010, the museum ran a month-long competition corresponding to the exhibition Contemplating the Void: Interventions in the Guggenheim, inviting participants to reimagine the museum's iconic rotunda and submit their ideas via the image-sharing site Flickr. At midnight on May 14, 2010, the last day of the 50th Anniversary year, the Re: Contemplating the Void—Create Your Own Guggenheim Intervention competition closed after receiving over 200 submissions. After careful review, Contemplating the Void curators Nancy Spector, Deputy Director and Chief Curator, and David Van Der Leer, Assistant Curator for Architecture and Design, have selected five winning submissions. Congratulations to all of the winners! Please note that the competition Flickr pool will remain open for others to share their own reimaginings of the Guggenheim’s rotunda.

Below, each winner describes the inspiration behind his or her design.

The Buried Void

The Buried Void
Noel Turgeon
St. Paul, Minnesota

In The Buried Void, a stream of sand falls continuously from the oculus at the top of the Guggenheim into the museum and collects on the rotunda floor. For fifty years the sand will gradually fill the void, stopping on October 21, 2059 (the 100th anniversary of the Guggenheim) when it will have filled the space completely. Until then, guests in the building will be encouraged to experience and actively participate in this measure of time: as the physical objects in their lives become obsolete, visitors are encouraged to place them into museum-provided capsules and throw them into the sand. During the centennial celebration of the Guggenheim the rotunda will be excavated and the contents will be displayed in an evolutionary retrospective of forgotten things from the first half of the 21st century. The inspiration for this intervention comes from two sources: the first is wondering what will be forgotten by the future and how it could be remembered, the second is a desire to trace the passage of time through the physical means of space and objects.

Favelart

Favelart
Lucio Carvalho
Sao Paulo, Brazil

Favelart was inspired by Brazil where, if the culture does not reach out to parts that are in poverty, then poverty will, in turn, invade the culture.

Sunflowers

Sunflowers
David Andrew Tasman
New York, New York

Sunflowers proposes the installation of a field of sunflowers on the upper level of the rotunda. For the past 50 years, the Guggenheim has helped to bring art into life as well as the reverse. By bringing the outside in, the typical relationship between building and landscape is inverted, making the natural available for contemplation in a way that is normally reserved for works of art. The inspiration for this intervention came from an interest in popular culture and using contrasting juxtapositions as away to invoke the sublime.

Void Condition(ed)

VOID CONDITION(ED)
Bad Architects Group (Paul Burgstaller/Ursula Faix
Innsbruck, Austria

VOID CONDITION(ED) was inspired by the German word for “void” (luftraum), which literally translates to “air space,” and the idea to change the space completely by changing it as little as possible.? By conditioning the air already present in the void, one can access the space without interrupting how it currently exists, while simultaneously adding another dimension or layer to the existing experience in form of a vertical wind tunnel.

WTF?! (watch the fool)

WTF?! (watch the fool)
Bruny Yan You Fu
Rennes, France

WTF?! (watch the fool) tries to give a geometrical response to "contemplating the void." The inspiration for this intervention was drawn from a story about the famous architect, Tadao Ando. When Ando was young, the roof of his house collapsed and left a big hole. This was when Ando came to realize that "contemplating the void" is also feeling the space, feeling the beauty of something invisible. Inspiration was also drawn from the Pantheon of Hadrien in Rome.


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Lee Ufan 1980–2011

Installation view of Lee U-fanSculpture<br />Exhibition, KamakuraGallery,Tokyo, January 10–26, 1985 Installation view of Lee U-fan Sculpture Exhibition, Kamakura Gallery, Tokyo, January 10–26, 1985. Pictured: Four Relatum works (1984–85). Photo by Yamamoto Soroku, courtesy the artist and Tokyo Gallery

1980
The Gwangju Democratization Movement, a nine-day popular uprising in Gwangju against President Chun Doo-hwan’s military dictatorship, is violently crushed by the South Korean army.

After a breakdown in the late 1970s, Lee begins to paint with loose, dynamic brushstrokes. This new approach will lead to two major series of works of the next decade, From Winds and With Winds.

Lee moves to Kamakura, a twelfth-century city near Tokyo, where he currently resides.


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Historic Audio Clips

Image © iStockphoto.com/Frances Twitty

Rose-Carol Washton Long, "Kandinsky: Early Years," October 24, 1964
In 1967, Rose-Carol Washton Long, renowned Kandinsky scholar and former research fellow at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, explored Vasily Kandinsky’s move from a loose painterly style to the rigid geometric abstraction of the Bauhaus years. In this clip she discusses the impact of the time he spent in Russia in 1916, where he encountered the stark geometric abstraction of Kazimir Malevich, who, like Kandinsky, was influenced by Theosophy and sought to imbue his painting with spiritual and cosmic significance.

Hilla Rebay, "Hilla Rebay Lecture," December 3, 1952
In this clip from 1952, Hilla Rebay, founding director and curator of the Museum of Non-Objective Painting, the forerunner of the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, speaks on the "command" between nonobjective and the objective, the first years of the Museum of Non-Objective Painting, and her childhood memories of nonobjectivity and spiritual "things." 

Hilla Rebay, "Hilla Rebay Lecture," December 3, 1952
In a second clip from 1952, Hilla Rebay reminisces about her teenage years and her pivotal decision to pursue art rather than music.

Thomas M. Messer, "Address to the National Society of Arts and Letters," May 11, 1976
Thomas M. Messer, director emeritus, addresses the National Society of Arts and Letters on May 11, 1976. In this clip, he speaks about the history of the museum, the influence of his predecessors, and the development of the art collection.

Image © iStockphoto.com/Frances Twitty


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2011 Guggenheim International Gala

Thursday, November 10, 2011
Celebrating Maurizio Cattelan: All

7 pm
Cocktails

8 pm
Dinner

9:30 pm
After-party hosted by the Young Collectors Council

Location
Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum
1071 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY 10128

Limited-edition gift, PonytailGirl Matchbox, by Mika Rottenberg

A unique musical performance by MGMT

Festive attire

Chairs
Maria Baibakova
Alberto Mugrabi
Amy Phelan
Kara Ross
Jennifer Blei Stockman

For More Information
Please call 212 360 4309

Auction Partner

Invitation drawing by Hayal Pozanti based on drawings by Chad Kloepfer (Maurizio Cattelan, Mini Me, 1999) and production glue (Guggenheim ramp)


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Report Details Inner Workings of Troubled Ethics Trial of Senator Ted Stevens

“The investigation and prosecution of U.S. Senator Ted Stevens were permeated by the systematic concealment of significant exculpatory evidence which would have independently corroborated Senator Stevens’s defense and his testimony, and seriously damaged the testimony and credibility of the government’s key witness,” wrote Henry F. Schuelke, the investigator assigned to the case.

The basic findings of Mr. Schuelke’s report, released by Judge Emmet G. Sullivan, the federal judge overseeing the case, had been known since November. But the full report provides the most detailed look yet at the inner workings of the prosecution of Mr. Stevens, a long-serving Republican senator, as well as a series of failures by prosecutors to live up to their obligation to turn over to the defense information that could have resulted in Mr. Stevens’s acquittal.

Mr. Stevens, who died in a plane crash in 2010, was convicted of failing to disclose gifts and services from an oil services executive. Days after the conviction, he narrowly lost his bid for a seventh Senate term to his Democratic opponent. In early 2009, the then-new attorney general, Eric H. Holder Jr., asked the judge to set aside that conviction because of the discovery that prosecutors had failed to turn over potentially exculpatory evidence.

Both the Justice Department and Judge Sullivan ordered investigations.

In the report, Mr. Schuelke expressed disbelief at claims by Justice Department officials that none remembered a potentially crucial interview with a witness. This was not disclosed to Mr. Stevens’s defense team, as required by law. Mr. Schuelke called that “the complete, simultaneous and long-term memory failure by the entire prosecution team, four prosecutors and the F.B.I. case agent” of the statement “extraordinary,” “astonishing,” and “difficult to believe.”

Still, he said, there was nevertheless “no evidence that would establish beyond a reasonable doubt that any one or more of them did in fact recall that information and concealed it.”

As Judge Sullivan had disclosed in November, Mr. Schuelke also said that the officials connected to the case should not be prosecuted for disobeying a court order because the judge had not ordered them to hand over exculpatory evidence to Mr. Stevens, as the law calls for.

The judge said at the time that he planned to release to report in January, giving lawyers for the government and defense the opportunity to review the report and make arguments to keep parts of it sealed.

Indeed, lawyers for several of the government prosecutors filed motions to keep the report sealed, which Judge Sullivan rejected. On Wednesday, an appeals court in Washington rejected a motion by lawyers for one of the prosecutors, paving the way for the release of the report.

A lawyer for Mr. Stevens, Brendan V. Sullivan Jr., no relation to Judge Sullivan, praised the report’s findings on Thursday.

The report “confirms that the prosecution of Senator Ted Stevens was riddled with government corruption involving multiple federal prosecutors and at least one F.B.I. agent,” said Mr. Sullivan in a written statement. “Some were more knowledgeable, and thus more culpable, than others. Nonetheless, they worked together to win at all costs in an attempt to convict a sitting United States senator in an ill-conceived prosecution.”

On Oct. 27, 2008, Mr. Stevens was convicted on seven felony counts related to charges that he lied on his disclosure forms when he did not report that an oil-field services company had remodeled a home he owned.

In the 2008 election days later, Mr. Stevens lost the Senate race, resulting in Senate Democrats gaining a filibuster-proof 60-vote majority. This allowed them enough votes to pass President Obama’s health care legislation.

The case against Mr. Stevens began to unravel in February 2009 when a Federal Bureau of Investigation agent filed an affidavit alleging that prosecutors had failed to turn over potentially exculpatory evidence to the defense as required by law.

In response, Mr. Holder decided to ask the judge to set aside Mr. Stevens’s conviction. The judge threw out the conviction and appointed Mr. Schuelke to examine whether the prosecutors had broken the law.


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Violence Against Women Act Divides Senate

The fight over the law, which would expand financing for and broaden the reach of domestic violence programs, will be joined Thursday when Senate Democratic women plan to march to the Senate floor to demand quick action on its extension. Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the majority leader, has suggested he will push for a vote by the end of March.

Democrats, confident they have the political upper hand with women, insist that Republican opposition falls into a larger picture of insensitivity toward women that has progressed from abortion fights to contraception to preventive health care coverage — and now to domestic violence.

“I am furious,” said Senator Maria Cantwell, Democrat of Washington. “We’re mad, and we’re tired of it.”

Republicans are bracing for a battle where substantive arguments could be swamped by political optics and the intensity of the clash over women’s issues. At a closed-door Senate Republican lunch on Tuesday, Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska sternly warned her colleagues that the party was at risk of being successfully painted as antiwoman — with potentially grievous political consequences in the fall, several Republican senators said Wednesday.

Some conservatives are feeling trapped.

“I favor the Violence Against Women Act and have supported it at various points over the years, but there are matters put on that bill that almost seem to invite opposition,” said Senator Jeff Sessions, Republican of Alabama, who opposed the latest version last month in the Judiciary Committee. “You think that’s possible? You think they might have put things in there we couldn’t support that maybe then they could accuse you of not being supportive of fighting violence against women?”

The legislation would continue existing grant programs to local law enforcement and battered women shelters, but would expand efforts to reach Indian tribes and rural areas. It would increase the availability of free legal assistance to victims of domestic violence, extend the definition of violence against women to include stalking, and provide training for civil and criminal court personnel to deal with families with a history of violence. It would also allow more battered illegal immigrants to claim temporary visas, and would include same-sex couples in programs for domestic violence.

Republicans say the measure, under the cloak of battered women, unnecessarily expands immigration avenues by creating new definitions for immigrant victims to claim battery. More important, they say, it fails to put in safeguards to ensure that domestic violence grants are being well spent. It also dilutes the focus on domestic violence by expanding protections to new groups, like same-sex couples, they say.

Critics of the legislation acknowledged that the name alone presents a challenge if they intend to oppose it over some of its specific provisions.

“Obviously, you want to be for the title,” Senator Roy Blunt of Missouri, a member of the Republican leadership, said of the Violence Against Women Act. “If Republicans can’t be for it, we need to have a very convincing alternative.”

The latest Senate version of the bill has five Republican co-sponsors, including Michael D. Crapo of Idaho, a co-author, but it failed to get a single Republican vote in the Judiciary Committee last month.

As suggested by Mr. Sessions, Republicans detect a whiff of politics in the Democrats’ timing. The party just went through a bruising fight over efforts to replace the Obama administration’s contraception-coverage mandate with legislation allowing some employers to opt out of coverage for medical procedures they object to on religious or moral grounds.


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The Caucus: In Toledo, Biden Makes a Working-Class Appeal

Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. reacting to cheers before speaking at a union hall in Toledo, Ohio, on Thursday.Madalyn Ruggiero/Associated PressVice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. reacted to cheers before speaking on Thursday at the United Auto Workers Local 12 hall in Toledo, Ohio.

TOLEDO, Ohio — Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., the Obama administration’s go-to emissary to the Rust Belt, waded into his political sweet zone on Thursday, promoting the White House’s economic record to a raucous gathering at the United Auto Workers Local 12 hall. He talked up the American auto industry, praised the president’s spine and criticized the Republican presidential candidates by name – repeatedly – accusing them of being “about protecting the privileged sector.”

“I am laying out a clear and stark difference between us and our opponents,” Mr. Biden said before a supportive crowd of about 500, many of them employees of Jeep, one of this city’s biggest employers.

Mr. Biden’s drop-in to this electorally vital state was billed by the president’s re-election enterprise as a first salvo of sorts in a more formal phase of the campaign. While the re-election effort ostensibly started months ago — with both Mr. Obama and Mr. Biden appearing at fund-raisers and campaignlike events — the White House called the vice president’s visit here the first official event of the campaign. Mr. Obama was speaking at the same time in Maryland, defending his energy policies at a rally.

It had all the trappings – 2012 signs (with the zero forming the iconic Obama “O”), campaign buttons, local supporters, a lectern decked out in a big flag and an “economy built to last” placard at the dais.

Mr. Biden’s rhetoric was also more nakedly campaign-oriented than typically vice presidential. It included explicit denunciations of some of the remaining Republican candidates, Rick Santorum, the former senator of Pennsylvania, Newt Gingrich, the former House speaker, and – particularly – Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, whom the White House still views as its most likely challenger in the fall, despite Mr. Romney’s losses to Mr. Santorum in two Southern primaries this week.

“The verdict is in,” Mr. Biden said. “President Obama was right, and they were dead wrong.”

For months, Republicans have portrayed the administration as a Big Daddy of bailouts, handouts and entitlements. Speaking here in Toledo, 60 miles from Detroit and the home of a large Jeep plant, Mr. Biden said the administration’s decision to support the embattled American auto industry in 2009 was correct, despite hard opposition from many Republicans – namely Mr. Romney, who suggested that Detroit might have been better off had it been left alone, a position Mr. Biden was quick to remind everyone.

He brought up a comment by Mr. Romney that help from the federal government would be worse than bankruptcy for General Motors, that it would turn the company into “the living dead.” When Mr. Biden repeated that line, to a cascade of boos, he then added that the resurgent auto sector provided living proof that the administration’s actions were correct.

He continued, deriding Republicans as not only being against government help for the auto industry, but also their belief that the private sector would have filled the void instead.

“In 2009, nobody was lining up to lend money to General Motors, or lend money to anyone,” Mr. Biden said. “That includes Bain Capital,” he added, a crack at the private equity firm where Mr. Romney spent his formative professional years.

The appearance on Thursday mirrored many of the same forays Mr. Biden made into a region that essentially became his second home in the fall of 2008. Toledo was the first of what are expected to be four cities that the vice president will visit in crucial states over the next month. He is expected to visit Florida next week, another destination that will likely be familiar turf for Mr. Biden, who has a long history of support from the state’s heavy Jewish population, some of whom have been wary of the administration’s commitment to Israel.

In a sense, Mr. Biden’s speech represented a straight-ahead campaign rebuttal to the barrage of attacks that the president has endured from Republican presidential candidates in a primary campaign that shows no sign of abating.


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In Albany, Lawmakers Approve Pension Cuts and Redistricting

The pension changes were less drastic than those sought by Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, applying to fewer employees and saving less money than he had hoped. But they reflect a blow to the state’s public-employee unions, which are enormously powerful in Albany and have been frequent sparring partners for Mr. Cuomo as he has sought to rein in costs.

“This bold and transformational pension reform plan is a historic win for New York taxpayers and municipalities,” Mr. Cuomo said in a statement. “Without this critical reform, New Yorkers would have seen significant tax increases, as well as layoffs to teachers, firefighters and police.”

The pension changes were part of a policy package approved overnight that resolved several of the thorniest issues facing lawmakers this year. Working through the night, the Legislature approved a reconfiguration of the state’s Assembly and Senate districts, the language of a proposed constitutional amendment to legalize casino gambling and the creation of one of the most extensive criminal DNA databases in the nation.

The governor and legislative leaders first allowed the public to see the details of the pension legislation at 3 a.m. Thursday. The Republican-controlled Senate approved the measure an hour later, despite the absence of most of the chamber’s Democrats, who had walked out over redistricting. Democrats argued that the pension vote was invalid because there was no quorum present for the vote; Republicans insisted that a quorum had been met for the pension vote.

The Democrat-controlled Assembly approved the pension changes shortly after 7 a.m. The Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, a Manhattan Democrat, had kept the voting open for nearly two hours as he called in lawmakers who had gone to sleep in a tense effort to muster the votes for passage. In the end, the Assembly approved the measure by a comfortable margin.

The pension deal comes as state and local governments around the country take similar steps to reduce retirement costs, often prompting pitched battles with labor unions.

From 2009 to 2011, 43 states enacted major changes to retirement plans for public employees and teachers, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

“The message is, the traditional package of retirement benefits has become unaffordable,” said Ronald Snell, a senior fellow at the conference.

Mr. Snell said the deal approved in Albany was similar to measures passed in other states, in that it reduced the benefits offered to some public employees instead of overhauling the structure of the pension system itself.

Mr. Cuomo had significantly scaled back the most contentious portion of his pension proposal, which would have given new public workers the option of forgoing a traditional pension and instead choosing a defined contribution plan, similar to a 401(k). He and lawmakers agreed to offer the defined contribution option, but only to new state workers who earn $75,000 or more and are nonunionized.

In another concession by Mr. Cuomo, the deal did not make significant changes to the retirement benefits of New York City police officers and firefighters.

But state and city officials said the measure would still save more than $80 billion for the state and local governments in the next 30 years — including $21 billion for New York City — by reducing the benefits promised to new workers. For example, the legislation raises the minimum retirement age to 63 from 62 for state workers. It will also require most workers to increase the portion of their salaries that they contribute to the pension system from the current 3 percent to as much as 6 percent for the highest earners.

Reining in ballooning pension costs topped the legislative wish-list for a parade of municipal leaders around the state, including Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, who said Mr. Cuomo “has got to get an A-plus” for persuading lawmakers to resist pressure from labor unions and approve the changes.

“This is real reform, and for the taxpayers of the state gives them a better deal for their money,” Mr. Bloomberg said in a telephone interview. “It does not hurt any of our current employees or any of our current retirees, and down the road, if people don’t want to come to work for the city or the state, they don’t have to. But I think this is still a phenomenally generous plan.”


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DealBook: Wall Street's Latest Campus Recruiting Crisis Sparked by Goldman Controversy

Cory Finley has written a play called "The Private Sector" that is set at a hedge fund corporate retreat.Casey Kelbaugh for The New York TimesCory Finley has written a play called “The Private Sector” that is set at a hedge fund corporate retreat.

Wall Street, once a magnet for America’s best and brightest, is facing a recruiting problem.

The industry’s loss of cachet, which started during the financial disaster, has been deepened by the lingering economic slowdown and a series of highly visible industry scandals that have drawn critical attention to the big banks.

The most recent public relations crisis came from the resignation letter this week in The New York Times op-ed section written by Greg Smith, a former Goldman Sachs executive director. Mr. Smith, who took the bank to task over what he described as its “toxic and destructive” culture, said his moment of ultimate realization had come while extolling the benefits of a Goldman career to college students.

“I knew it was time to leave when I realized I could no longer look students in the eye and tell them what a great place this was to work,” he wrote.

Conventional wisdom holds — and Goldman’s public relations team surely fears — that the people paying closest attention to the controversies are skittish clients and down-in-the-mouth employees. But Goldman and other financial firms should also worry about scaring off are college and business school students, some of whom are looking askance at once-prestigious jobs in finance.

Cory Finley, a recent Yale graduate, applied to work at Bridgewater Associates, a large Connecticut-based hedge fund, during his senior year of college. Mr. Finley, 23, said there was “definitely something tempting” about the structure and prestige of a high-paying finance job. But he ultimately decided to follow his dream of becoming a playwright instead.

Cory Finley applied to work at a hedge fund, but decided to follow his dream of become a playwright instead.Casey Kelbaugh for The New York TimesCory Finley applied to work at a hedge fund, but decided to follow his dream of become a playwright instead.

“It’s something that fulfills me in a deep way,” said Mr. Finley, who has written a play called “The Private Sector” that is set at a hedge fund corporate retreat. “I don’t judge people who do go into finance, but it’s not for me personally.”

College students who were once attracted to prestigious banks like moths to bonfires are increasingly turning to other industries in search of success. Insiders say that pained testimonials of industry life can scare off would-be financiers from even applying for jobs at the most selective firms.

“This is a significant problem for Goldman,” said Adam Zoia, the chief executive of the placement firm Glocap Search, whose clients include many aspiring big-bank employees and hedge fund workers. “Their perch of being the investment bank to go to is definitely at risk.”

One former Goldman analyst recently decided to leave the firm after the rewards of a finance job no longer seemed to outweigh the costs. The former employee is now working at a small technology start-up for less money.

“Perhaps Smith is a catalyst,” said the employee, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because many of his friends still worked at the bank.

“There have always been unhappy people” in finance, he added, but “this is the year people are realizing things are structurally different.”

The smaller paychecks are only making the decision easier for some students, who no longer view Wall Street as a fast-track to seven figure salaries. Last year, flagging profits at many Wall Street firms reduced some bankers’ compensation from stratospheric to merely generous. At Morgan Stanley, cash bonuses were capped at $125,000; some Goldman employees saw their annual cash payouts cut in half.

Adding to the chorus of dissent, students now face criticism on their own campuses. Groups of protestors at Yale and Harvard stood outside bank recruiting sessions last fall, shouting slogans and holding signs with messages like “Take a chance, don’t go into finance.” At Princeton, a group affiliated with the Occupy Wall Street movement interrupted sessions by JPMorgan Chase and Goldman Sachs, urging their fellow students to rebel against “the campus culture that whitewashes the crooked dealings of Wall Street as a prestigious career path.”

“Everything from Occupy Wall Street to larger critical discourses of ‘fat cats,’ all of that has had some trickle-down effect” to young people, said Karen Ho, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Minnesota who has studied the culture of Wall Street.

The decline in the finance industry’s allure has been accelerated by the explosion of the technology industry, which is making a play for some of the top-flight graduates who once walked nearly unquestioningly into Midtown Manhattan cubicles. A 2011 survey of 6,700 young professionals by the consulting firm Universum ranked Google, Apple and Facebook as the most-coveted workplaces; JPMorgan Chase, the highest-ranking bank on the survey, was ranked 41st.

At this year’s SXSW Interactive conference, a panel called “Keeping Kids off the Street: Wall St. vs. Startups” was convened to address questions including whether the finance industry was to blame for what organizers called a “failure to nurture a culture of innovation” in New York.

Chris Wiggins, an associate professor of applied math at Columbia University who sat on the panel, said he was seeing students shy away from Wall Street and veer toward industries where they could work and profit without bringing their morality under the microscope.

“The claim of investment banking that it serves a social purpose by ‘lubricating capitalism’ has eroded,” Mr. Wiggins said. “It’s simply very difficult for young people to believe that they’re serving any social purpose now.”

Even at top colleges and business schools, which once saw Wall Street as hallowed ground, the focus is shifting. In 2008, the last recruiting year before the financial crisis, 28 percent of the employed seniors in Harvard’s graduating class went into finance. Last year, that number fell to 17 percent.

Ben Pruden, a second-year student at the McCombs School of Business at the University of Texas at Austin, said on Wednesday that he planned to go into technology, not onto Wall Street, after receiving his business degree. He has a job lined up at salesforce.com after graduation, and said that although he knows people working in finance, including his sister, the once-irresistible allure of Wall Street held little sway with him.

“I have no interest in working at Goldman,” he said. “I want to build something. I don’t want to be working in an industry that effectively leeches off other industries.”

Plus, Mr. Pruden added, “it’s not creative enough for me.”


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Movie Review: ‘21 Jump Street,’ With Jonah Hill and Channing Tatum

Not that the movie, directed by Phil Lord and Christopher Miller and based on the semi-beloved, dimly recalled Fox cop show that made Johnny Depp a star in the late 1980s, aims to be thought-provoking. It wants to be fun and, to a perhaps surprising extent, it is. Largely forsaking the sweet multiculturalism of the original for white-dude bromance, and completely abandoning earnest teenagers-in-crisis melodrama in favor of crude, aggressive comedy, this “21 Jump Street” is an example of how formula-driven entertainment can succeed.

It is full of the usual boy-comedy stuff: homophobic humor so blatant that it must be making fun of homophobia (right?); easy, knowing sendups of movie and television clichés; appearances by actors from your favorite sitcoms (assuming you like “The Office,” “Parks and Recreation” and “New Girl”); exploding cars; a joke about “Glee.” And though no conceptual ground is broken that wasn’t already trampled and scorched in the Harold and Kumar movies (to cite only the three most sophisticated examples), the whole mess is silly, spirited and, yes, smart enough to work.

Two high school classmates — an alpha dog named Jenko (Channing Tatum) and a loser-nerd named Schmidt (Jonah Hill) — cross paths again at the police academy, where their friendship bridges the gulf of coolness. Their spectacular incompetence and raw inexperience land them in an undercover operation run out of an abandoned church by an angry captain played by Ice Cube, who is also heard on the soundtrack expressing a rather critical view of law enforcement in a vintage song by his former group N.W.A.

The juxtaposition of the middle-aged Ice Cube as a foulmouthed cop with the young Ice Cube as a foulmouthed cop hater typifies the movie’s playful, grab-bag idea of itself. There are some obligatory ’80s and early-’90s references, and cameos from some of the old “21 Jump Street” cast members, but aging Generation X nostalgists — not that I have anyone particular in mind — may be disappointed, which is a good thing.

Jenko and Schmidt suffer their own micro-generational displacement, which is much funnier than big shoulder pads, shaggy mullets or acid-washed denim. Sent back to high school, where they masquerade as students, these 20-somethings are shocked to discover how much has changed since 2005. Everybody texts, and the old social hierarchies seem to have broken down. Kids these days are so tolerant and sensitive and environmentally conscious, Jenko notes, with some dismay. “I blame ‘Glee,’ ” he says.

There is, of course, a genetic connection between that show and this movie. On TV “21 Jump Street” was an hourlong youth-targeted Fox prime-time offering that mixed whimsy, emotion and public-service-announcement sobriety as it confronted social ills like bullying, bigotry and drug abuse. The movie takes aggressive satirical aim at exactly this kind of piety without risking true offensiveness. Among the bad guys, for instance, is a clique of diverse, articulate, college-bound, ecology-minded teenagers, led by Eric (Dave Franco), whose very existence destroys the categories Schmidt and Jenko rely on and who are also dealing dangerous drugs.

Eventually action-movie police work overwhelms high-school high jinks, which is too bad, since Mr. Lord and Mr. Miller (who previously directed the chaotic animated children’s film “Cloudy With a Chance of Meatballs”) show no particular distinction in setting up chases and shootouts. The real energy in the film comes from Mr. Hill and Mr. Tatum, who simultaneously fulfill and reverse their buddy-movie stereotypes.

Thanks to the crazy, upside-down world of 2012, and also a clerical mix-up, Schmidt is cast as the big shot — with an only slightly inappropriate romantic possibility played by Brie Larson — while the beefy, bull-necked Jenko is exiled to the world of wonks and dweebs. This may not be a terribly fresh idea, but the two lead actors are nimble and unembarrassable enough to render the identity confusion amusing and even, sometimes, touching.

“21 Jump Street” makes a virtue of its own lack of novelty, reveling in its dumb gags and retrograde attitudes — in 2012 women can actually be funny, guys! — with such unaffected exuberance that you may find yourself not only tickled, but also charmed.

“21 Jump Street” is rated R (Under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian). Far too much raw language for network prime time, but sex, gore and nudity are well within broadcast bounds.

21 Jump Street

Opens on Friday nationwide.

Directed by Phil Lord and Christopher Miller; written by Michael Bacall, based on a story by Mr. Bacall and Jonah Hill, and the television series created by Patrick Hasburgh and Stephen J. Cannell; director of photography, Barry Peterson; edited by Joel Negron; music by Mark Mothersbaugh; production design by Peter Wenham; costumes by Leah Katznelson; produced by Neal H. Moritz and Mr. Cannell; released by Columbia Pictures. Running time: 1 hour 43 minutes.

WITH: Jonah Hill (Schmidt), Channing Tatum (Jenko), Brie Larson (Molly Tracey), Dave Franco (Eric Molson), Rob Riggle (Mr. Walters), DeRay Davis (Domingo) and Ice Cube (Captain Dickson).


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Program Aims to Make the Streets of San Francisco Easier to Park On

But San Francisco is trying to shorten the hunt with an ambitious experiment that aims to make sure that there is always at least one empty parking spot available on every block that has meters. The program, which uses new technology and the law of supply and demand, raises the price of parking on the city’s most crowded blocks and lowers it on its emptiest blocks. While the new prices are still being phased in — the most expensive spots have risen to $4.50 an hour, but could reach $6 — preliminary data suggests that the change may be having a positive effect in some areas.

Change can already be seen on a stretch of Drumm Street downtown near the Embarcadero and the popular restaurants at the Ferry Building. Last summer it was nearly impossible to find spots there. But after the city gradually raised the price of parking to $4.50 an hour from $3.50, high-tech sensors embedded in the street showed that spots were available a little more often — leaving a welcome space the other day for the silver Toyota Corolla driven by Victor Chew, a salesman for a commercial dishwasher company who frequently parks in the area.

“There are more spots available now,” said Mr. Chew, 48. “Now I don’t have to walk half a mile.”

San Francisco’s parking experiment is the latest major attempt to improve the uneasy relationship between cities and the internal combustion engine — a century-long saga that has seen cities build highways and tear them down, widen streets and narrow them, and require more parking at some times and discourage it at others — all to try to make their downtowns accessible but not too congested.

The program here is being closely watched by cities around the country. With the help of a federal grant, San Francisco installed parking sensors and new meters at roughly a quarter of its 26,800 metered spots. It tracks when and where cars are parked and, beginning last summer, began tweaking its prices every two months — giving them the option of raising them 25 cents an hour, or lowering them by as much as 50 cents — in the hope of leaving each block with at least one available spot. The city also has cut prices at many of the garages and parking lots it manages, to lure cars off the street.

It is too early to tell whether the program is working over all, but an analysis of city parking data by The New York Times found signs that the new rates are having the desired effect in some areas. While only a third of the blocks in the program have hit their targeted occupancy rates in any given month since the program began, the analysis found, three-quarters of the blocks either hit their targets or moved closer to the goal. The program is a bit more successful on weekdays.

Of course, price is only one factor that influences behavior: about a fifth of the time prices rose but more spaces filled up, or prices fell but fewer people parked. The full effects of the phased-in price changes have yet to be felt: the most expensive spots cannot hit the $6-an-hour maximum until next year at the earliest.

Jay Primus, who manages the program for the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, said the experiment was a break from the past because the city was now trying to use its parking policy to reduce traffic and pollution and make parking easier — not just raise revenues. “We’re counting on the fact that people are expert when it comes to parking,” he said. “We only need a few people to see there is a price difference and choose to park in a different location to open up just a few spaces here and there.”

Meters here can now charge different prices at different times of the day, and the city has lengthened or eliminated time limits. Since the city made it easier to pay for parking with credit cards, and began a program that allows people to find spots and pay for them on their mobile phones — so they no longer have to run out of meals that take longer than expected to feed the meters — fewer parking tickets have been issued.

The program is the biggest test yet of the theories of Donald Shoup, a professor of urban planning at the University of California, Los Angeles. His 2005 book, “The High Cost of Free Parking,” made him something of a cult figure to city planners — a Facebook group, The Shoupistas, has more than a thousand members. “I think the basic idea is that we will see a lot of benefits if we get the price of curbside parking right, which is the lowest price a city can charge and still have one or two vacant spaces available on every block,” he said.

But raising prices is rarely popular. A chapter in Mr. Shoup’s book opens with a quote from George Costanza, the “Seinfeld” character: “My father didn’t pay for parking, my mother, my brother, nobody. It’s like going to a prostitute. Why should I pay when, if I apply myself, maybe I can get it for free?” Some San Francisco neighborhoods recently objected to a proposal to install meters on streets where parking is now free. And raising prices in the most desirable areas raises concerns that it will make them less accessible to the poor.

That was on the minds of some parkers on Drumm Street, where the midday occupancy rate on one block fell to 86 percent from 98 percent after prices rose. Edward Saldate, 55, a hairstylist who paid nearly $17 for close to four hours of parking there, called it “a big rip-off.”

Tom Randlett, 69, an accountant, said that he was pleased to be able to find a spot there for the first time, but acknowledged that the program was “complicated on the social equity level.”

Officials note that parking rates are cut as often as they are raised. And Professor Shoup said that the program would benefit many poor people, including the many San Franciscans who do not have cars, because all parking revenues are used for mass transit and any reduction in traffic will speed the buses many people here rely on. And he imagined a day when drivers will no longer attribute good parking spots to luck or karma.

“It will be taken for granted,” he said, “the way you take it for granted that when you go to a store you can get fresh bananas or apples.”

Michael Cooper reported from San Francisco, and Jo Craven McGinty from New York. Malia Wollan contributed reporting from San Francisco.


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Syria Puts On Mass Rally in Support of Assad

The state had ordered people to show up for work on a national holiday — Teachers’ Day — that fell on Thursday, the one-year anniversary of mass demonstrations centered in the southern city of Dara’a that turned sporadic protests against the government into a national uprising. The government threatened punishments for truants in what anti-Assad activists called a transparent move to make it easier to bus in state employees and students to attend the rally.

Men jumped up and down, cheering, as the flags of Russia, Syria’s main international backer and arms supplier, and Hezbollah, the Lebanese militant group that has been a stalwart supporter of Mr. Assad, whipped in the wind alongside the black, white and red Syrian tricolor. Syrian television channels continuously broadcast the scenes from Umayyad Square.

“I am ready to go one and two and a thousand times for the sake of Bashar,” a woman attending the rally told the Syrian TV channel Addounia. Another woman dressed in a military uniform told the channel: “We’re here to say we won.”

In elaborately produced advertisements, Addounia said the pro-government demonstrations would last through Saturday and exhorted viewers to “join us in the global march for Syria.”

Not all the support for Mr. Assad is manufactured. Some Syrians back him out of worry that his departure could usher in sectarian revenge against his Alawite sect and the Christian population, which is wary of rule by the Sunni Muslim majority — fears that Mr. Assad’s government has stoked by portraying itself as a bulwark of protection for minorities. Others simply want to see an end to instability and economic hardship brought on by a year of unrest.

A Syrian soldier reached by telephone, who gave his name as Samer, said no one had forced him to attend the rally, along with his wife and sons. “We danced the dabkeh,” a traditional celebratory dance, he said. “I would shoot in the air if they allowed me.”

To him, the rally celebrated victory over traitors instigated by Qatar, a supporter of the uprising, and other countries. “We defeated the traitors,” he said. “We won over the conspiracy.”

Mr. Assad received more public support from Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, the powerful Shiite militant group that is part of Lebanon’s ruling parliamentary coalition, shares Mr. Assad’s hostility toward their common enemy Israel, and is believed to depend on Syria as an arms supplier and conduit for weapons from Iran. In a speech, Mr. Nasrallah called for all antagonists in the Syria conflict to reach a simultaneous cease-fire, and he struck back at others who have criticized Hezbollah for supporting Mr. Assad. “Who said that the Syrian people are the ones you’re standing with and not the ones we’re standing with?” he said in the speech carried on Hezbollah’s al-Manar channel.

While Mr. Assad’s government has been increasingly isolated internationally, it has appeared to gain confidence in recent days, driving rebels from strongholds in the north and sweeping through Dara’a as international efforts to stop the violence appeared to stall and public strife erupted among exile opposition leaders.

Anti-Assad activists reported shelling in the city of Homs on Thursday and said they had discovered the bodies of 23 people in the city of Idlib who apparently had been summarily executed. The bodies were handcuffed and blindfolded, each with a bullet to the head, and no identifications, according to the Local Coordinating Committees, an activist network.

Members of the Free Syrian Army, the main armed opposition group, killed five members of the security forces in an ambush in Tafass, on the outskirts of Dara’a, said Yazid al Baradan, an activist reached by telephone. Other activists reported via email that government forces retaliated with a tank assault.

In Aleppo, the government reported large pro-Assad demonstrations, while activists said security forces fired on an antigovernment protest there.

Claims and counterclaims of fighting and casualties in the Syria conflict are impossible to corroborate because of government restrictions on outside press access.

Hwaida Saad contributed reporting..


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The Quad: Live Updates: N.C.A.A. Men's Tournament, Day 1 of Round 2

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Chongqing Party Leader Ousted

The news, announced Thursday morning in a brief dispatch by the official Xinhua news agency, said that Vice Prime Minister Zhang Dejiang, a North Korean-educated economist, would replace him as Chongqing party secretary. Xinhua did not mention a new job for Mr. Bo or say whether he would keep his spot on the party’s 25-seat Politburo.

Until recently, Mr. Bo had been a prime contender for the all-powerful Standing Committee of the Politburo, a nine-member body that effectively runs the country. Seven members are to be replaced, and Mr. Bo’s demotion suggests there will be more drama in a usually secret process.

Tall, charismatic and unusually loquacious for a Chinese official, Mr. Bo, 63, is the son of a revolutionary hero and was well-positioned — thanks to his extensive connections — to ascend the party hierarchy.

His prospects clouded last month when a handpicked deputy, Wang Lijun, sought refuge in the United States Consulate in Chengdu, a city in Sichuan Province about 210 miles from Chongqing. Mr. Wang, who had reportedly fallen out with Mr. Bo and, according to an American official, had feared for his safety, spent the night in the consulate before being escorted to Beijing by security officers.

On Thursday, Mr. Wang was removed from his post as vice mayor, according to a state media dispatch issued shortly after Mr. Bo’s demotion was announced.

For a party obsessed with secrecy and the sheen of stability, the past five weeks have been especially roiling. Ding Xueliang, a social scientist at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, said Mr. Wang’s visit to the consulate — during which American officials say he revealed damaging information about Mr. Bo — set off a cascade of events that has convulsed the party establishment.

“The Wang Lijun incident has changed the rules of the game by drawing international attention to internal politics,” Mr. Ding said. “What the party fears most are abnormal events like this.”

The political high jinks have riveted ordinary Chinese and emboldened Mr. Bo’s many critics, who assailed a populist governing style that included a ferocious assault on criminals, entrepreneurs and political enemies.

Not long after arriving in the fog-shrouded mountain city in 2007, Mr. Bo began a “red” campaign that urged its residents to sing Cultural Revolution-era songs and peppered their cell phones with Maoist slogans. He also introduced what became known as the “Chongqing model” of economic development, which included lavish infrastructure spending and tending to the needs of the municipality’s poor.

While popular in the city of 30 million, Mr. Bo’s style unnerved some who said his tactics and revolutionary rhetoric threatened to revive the destructive ways of China’s leftist past.

Mr. Wang, a longtime ally, was instrumental in carrying out Chongqing’s law-and-order juggernaut. When he held the job of police chief, he took on the city’s gangs, arresting 2,000 people, including high-level Communist Party officials accused of shielding crime lords. Some people, however, lambasted the campaign as cutting judicial corners; 13 people were executed after speedy trials.

Mr. Bo’s reputation for running roughshod over established legal norms was heightened by the prosecution of Li Zhuang, a prominent Beijing defense lawyer who was jailed on charges that he encouraged a client to fake testimony during his trial in Chongqing. The case was widely viewed as unfair.

Sentenced to 18 months in prison, Mr. Li was released early through the intervention of powerful allies in Beijing, but the incident only earned Mr. Bo more foes.

Jonathan Ansfield, Mia Li and Li Bibo contributed research.


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Karzai Wants U.S. Troops Confined to Bases; Taliban Suspend Peace Talks

Getting talks started with the Taliban has been a major goal of the United States and its NATO allies for the past two years, and only in recent months was there concrete evidence of progress.

And the declaration by President Karzai, if carried out, would greatly accelerate the pace of transition from NATO to Afghan control, which previously was envisioned to be complete by 2014. Defense officials admitted there was a major divide between Mr. Karzai’s declaration and the American goals of training the Afghan security forces and conducting counterinsurgency operations. Successful counterinsurgency requires close working relationships with rural Afghans to help build schools, roads and bring about other improvements.

Asked if it was possible to take all American forces out of villages by 2013 and still train Afghan security forces and conduct counterinsurgency operations, a senior American defense official replied, “It’s not clear that we would be able to.”

Mr. Karzai declaration came in reaction to widespread Afghan anger over the massacre by an American soldier of 16 civilians in Kandahar on Sunday, and the decision of the military authorities to remove the soldier from Afghanistan, which was reported on Wednesday.

The Taliban statement, issued in English and Pashto on an insurgent Web site, said talks with an American representative had commenced over the release of some Taliban members from the Guantánamo Bay prison, but accused the American representative of changing the preconditions for the talks.

The statement did not make clear what preconditions were objectionable, but the statement emphasized that the Taliban were only interested in talking with the Americans, and criticized “propaganda” about the talks that American officials had issued. Zabiullah Mujahid, a spokesman for the Taliban reached by cellphone at an undisclosed location, said the statement suspending the talks was genuine but declined to discuss it further.

It was unclear if the two developments might have been related. But both came to light just as Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta had left Afghanistan after a tense two-day visit that included talks with Mr. Karzai, and the Afghanistan president’s announcement in particular appeared to be a surprise. On Wednesday, President Obama said in Washington that the timetable for an Afghanistan withdrawal would not change.

Defense officials traveling with Mr. Panetta in Abu Dhabi said that the tone of the meeting between Mr. Karzai and Mr. Panetta was more positive than Mr. Karzai’s statement would indicate, and that he made no demands of the defense secretary — suggesting that the statement was in part aimed at a domestic audience enraged not only by the massacre but also by recent Koran burnings.

The officials acknowledged that Mr. Karzai told Mr. Panetta during their meeting that American troops should be confined to major bases by next year, but the officials sought to publicly tamp down the differences and portray the two countries as working together. “Secretary Panetta said, ‘We’re on the same page here,’ ” the Pentagon press secretary, George Little, quoted Mr. Panetta as telling Mr. Karzai.

Mr. Panetta, speaking to reporters after the meeting, said he had told Mr. Karzai that the military pledged a full investigation of the massacre and would bring the gunman to justice. He said that Mr. Karzai had not brought up the transfer of the suspect, an Army staff sergeant, to Kuwait.

Although the move was likely to further anger Afghans, who had called for him to be tried in their country, Lieutenant Gen. Curtis M. Scaparrotti, the No. 2 American commander in Afghanistan, told reporters that the Afghans had been informed of the move ahead of time, and he said that “their response is that they understood.”

General Scaparrotti said that the American military would likely not make the suspect’s name public until and if he was formally charged. He did not say when that might happen. “We are conscious of due process,” he said.

Elisabeth Bumiller contributed reporting from Abu Dhabi, U.A.E.


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